Here is the sequence. It started with England fans jeering and chanting through Germany’s national anthem, then progressed to “10 German bombers” and “F--- the IRA” and “Have you ever seen a German win a war.” Podolski was abused for his goal and for his protracted send-off, along with German supporters near the England end. The most striking aspect of it was its relentlessness. It was the soundtrack to the night: an inescapable racket.
Neither full independence, nor perfect union: Constitutionalism as a Third Way for the future of Scotland | British Politics and Policy at LSE
With Scotland now to seek a second independence referendum, the debate is framed around two extreme options: independence or union. Stefan Theil writes that a third option is available if both sides are prepared to make concessions. He explains how constitutionalism, paired with a federal settlement, could come to offer a viable long-term solution for Scotland.
The more Theresa May talks about preserving the Union, the more precarious it seems. In Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon is seeking a second independence referendum within five years of the last one. In Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin are talking confidently about uniting Ireland as unionists struggle with questions of identity and economic interest.Even in Wales, where integration with England is centuries older than it is in Scotland or Ireland, there is the sense that attitudes are beginning to change. As Theresa May visits on her Union-bolstering tour before she triggers Article 50 on 29 March, things are looking less secure than they have in a long time.
He said: “In the case of Brexit I think what we saw was an English nationalism emerging. England had been the centre of a global empire for 200 years and, if you like, the empire provided English people with their identity. Now that the empire has disappeared, they’re trying to find a new English identity.
This would not only examine creating an English Parliament but also turning the House of Lords into an elected senate with guaranteed representation from the nations and regions...However, the creation of a federal UK has not yet caught the public imagination; certainly not in England. In 2004, Labour's plan for a regional assembly in north east England was rejected when 78 per cent of voters said no to it on a turnout of 48 per cent.
Since the morning after the first independence referendum three years ago, the thin-skinned tyrant of English nationalism has treated Scotland with nothing but contempt - English Votes for English Laws, hysterical Tory election posters demonising Scotland's largest party, voting for Brexit, ditching the single market against the express wishes of First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, and generally behaving like an abusive husband who's hidden the new PIN number for the joint bank account.
it’s worth remembering that the version of English spoken by Rædwald also evolved into Swedish, not to mention Danish, Norwegian, German and Dutch. There is a case for saying that Sutton Hoo does not mark the beginnings of Englishness, but its end: no money, no Christianity, no island mentality. Whoever was buried in Mound 1 did not die in the ship, but he did live in one, conceptually – his people were joined by the sea, not bounded by it.
English nationalism is a curious concoction, combining a rather unlikely sense of grievance about how England was treated within the devolved UK with a sense of entitlement and even superiority about the UK’s place in the world.But however improbable this combination may seem to those of us who live in England’s shadow, its potency cannot be gainsaid. English nationalism has played a key role in the two UK-wide votes held since.
Scottish national identity: why the question of Europe could actually keep the UK together | British Politics and Policy at LSE
Scotland’s continued membership of and access to the EU is at the forefront of a possible second independence referendum. Together with the political and economic arguments that are often debated, the question of national identity is also worth considering, write Charles Pattie and Ron Johnston. They explain why a majority of Scots could reject independence once more.
I wrote on the morning after Miliband lost the election, that “I don’t want to be English”. The past 20 months have only strengthened that view.It is impossible to become passionate about a nationalism that did not exist when you were at school; whose key symbols have had to be cleansed and re-cleansed of association with xenophobia and racism, and which – above all – had no basis in economic reality until last year. My passport says I am British. Thirty years of globalisation, travel and education have left me – unapologetically – one of those “citizens of nowhere” derided by May.
In this Brexit row, the dead-end rhetoric of futile nationalism is ruining our country. It is up to us to resist it.What is the point of Labour in this fight? It’s time for us to be clear. We are a patriotic bunch of people. We think that the best future – and for the majority of people who make up our country – is secured by power, wealth and opportunity being in the hands of the many, not the few. We are the ones who see Britain not as a country of old empire and dusty establishment, but of a modern-day union jack, emblazoned on the running vest of Mo Farah, painted on the side of HMS Enterprise as it rescues people from drowning in the Mediterranean waters, and stamped on the UK Aid packages as they wait to be carried into war-torn Syria, Yemen, and Sudan.
Leo McKinstry: What about the rights of English and Welsh voters? | Leo McKinstry | Columnists | Comment | Express.co.uk
The politicians’ myopic focus on Edinburgh has resulted in disdain for the rest of the country. As the SNP hogs the airwaves over independence, what is missing is any real discussion about the future of England or Wales. The voices of the English and Welsh are marginalised, their interests ignored. The desperate policy of trying to buy off Scottish nationalism has resulted in the most glaring injustices.
Tom Watson Warns Pro-Corbyn Momentum Will 'Destroy' Labour's Electoral Chances In Twitter Spat | The Huffington Post
A civil war is threatening to tear Labour apart as deputy leader Tom Watson warned hard-left supporters of Jeremy Corbyn against trying “destroy” the party’s chances of taking power.Watson warned of a Labour “entryism threat” after the Observer newspaper published details of a secret recording of the leader of the pro-Corbyn group Momentum outlining details of a deal with Unite union boss Len McCluskey to take control of the party.
All schools in England are likely to face real-term cuts to funding by 2019-20, with around half seeing a reduction per pupil of 6% to 11%, according to a report, which casts doubts on the impact of the government’s proposed new funding formula.
Poll reveals Brits are furious with tearaway Scots who want break away from UK out despite trousering billions from the rest of us
THE rest of Britain is furious with independence-loving Scots who want to break away having trousered billions in taxpayers’ help, it has emerged.An exclusive ComRes survey for The Sun has delivered the first snapshot view of what English and Welsh voters think since Scotland boss Nicola Sturgeon unveiled her shock plan for a fresh independence poll on Monday.
The Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO), has backed the Yorkshire Post, following a complaint by English Democrat chairman, Robin Tilbrook.
English nationalism is rising: but hard Brexit is not the way to assuage it | Politics | The Guardian
For something profound has stirred in the English psyche over several decades, and this is now having a powerful effect on British politics. A pride in British institutions and traditions has gradually been displaced by a different kind of nationalism. This depicts the English as a people denied the rights enjoyed by other nations, whose cultural traditions are eclipsed while those of other nations are celebrated, and who were overlooked while devolution was offered to every other part of the UK, and to London. This sentiment has taken root most deeply, research suggests, in the coastal towns, the shires and the outskirts of our largest cities.
The lie of the land: does environmentalism have a future in the age of Trump? | Books | The Guardian
In a penetrating essay in The American Interest last July, social psychologist Jonathan Haidt sought to place all this in context. He suggested that the old left-right political divide, which had been looking iffy for years, was being supplanted by a new binary: globalism versus nationalism. Nationalism, in the broadest sense of the term, was the default worldview of most people at most times, especially in more traditional places. It was a community-focused attitude, in which a nation, tribe or ethnic group was seen as a thing of value to be loved and protected. Globalism, the ideology of the rising urban bourgeoisie, was more individualistic. It valued diversity and change, prioritised rights over obligations and saw the world as a whole, rather than particular parts of it, as the moral community to which we all belong.
Neither am I willing to involve myself in another referendum campaign which will consist of those on the side of Scottish independence prancing around pretending that they are the sole custodians of compassion and progressivism (not that I claim the latter label for myself), and that the only thing preventing Scotland from becoming a modern-day socialist Utopia is the cold, dead hand of English conservatism. I will not buy into the pernicious myth that people’s hearts get a little bigger and their spirits more generous the moment they move north of Berwick-upon-Tweed. Scottish nationalists: try building that compassionate welfare state with a 15% annual government budget deficit and the economy-suffocating tax rises which would be required to close it, and then talk to me about compassion.
Labour must split in two to save the United Kingdom, says man tipped to be next leader | The Independent
The man seen by many as Jeremy Corbyn’s successor for Labour leader has called for an effective split between the English and Scottish wings of the party, saying the move is needed to “save the union”.Clive Lewis, the MP for Norwich South, told The Independent he supports the division that would end Britain’s centre-left party as it is known today, to better enable Scottish Labour to face down Nicola Sturgeon’s SNP.
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