Conservative

David Cameron's Speech to Scottish Conservative Party Conference, Friday May 23, 2008

"It's great to be here in Ayr. This is a town with a special place in the hearts of Conservatives. Ayr was ably represented for so many years by that great Scottish Tory, George Younger. It is also the home base of one of our Party's most redoubtable fighters, Phil Gallie. And it was the scene of a famous by-election victory in 2000 when John Scott won the Scottish Parliamentary seat from Labour.

"Down south it's taken us a bit longer to get the hang of by-elections. But I think you'll agree that in a seat that was labour for 30 years, in the north of England where they said we couldn't win, with a Labour campaign that threw every bit of dirt, class war and scare tactics at us, after the Prime Minister brought forward his entire legislative programme and a mini budget to spend 3 billion of your money to try and save his own skin.

"After all that, when we ended our by election drought - as we did last night in Crewe and Nantwich - we did it in some style.

"I've been keeping a close eye on what's been going on in Scotland. There's certainly a fight going on. And here's the tale of tape as I see it.

"In the blue corner, there's Annabel Goldie. The best performer in Holyrood, unwavering and unstinting, leading a strong and united team, dedicated to standing up for the best interests of Scotland and Scottish people.

"They got extra police, cuts in business rates and more drug rehabilitation. That's the Conservative Party - and Conservative principles - in action.

"And then, in the red corner, there's Wendy Alexander, not exactly steady on her feet …. quite liable to knock herself out.

"First she opposed a referendum on independence. Then she did a u-turn and said "bring it on." Then Gordon Brown u-turned on that u-turn. Then Wendy Alexander u-turned on Gordon Brown's u-turn on the first u-turn.

"You still with this? I'm not. You don't know whether to laugh - or cry. Knowing Wendy, she's doing both.

"So that's it. That's the bout. It's Solid Goldie versus Bendy Wendy. If I was the referee, I'd stop the fight right now.

"This would be funny if it wasn't so serious. Labour think they're being clever. What they've actually done is put the Union under greater threat.

"To play games by calling for a referendum right at the moment when people would take any opportunity to give the most unpopular Government in living memory a good kicking, isn't clever, isn't good politics, isn't defending the Union. It's absolutely reckless - and we should have no part of it.

"And that's what I want to talk about today. I want to talk about the future of the Union. And I want to talk about the future of the Conservative Party. And I want to show how these two things are inextricably linked.

"We - the Conservative Party - are a party of the Union and a part of the Union - and we've got to play a leading role in defending the Union - because, heaven knows, Labour won't. And I want to explain what playing our part means. It means continuing what we've started - changing our Party so we can change our country. It means setting our minds to the great challenges both England and Scotland face. Above all, it means recognising that the Conservative Party is at its best when it's talking about - and acting upon - our country's future prosperity and future progress.

"But to start, we've got to be completely frank. The simple truth is that the Union between England and Scotland is under attack as never before. Whether we like it or not, the ugly stain of separatism is seeping through the Union flag. And it's up to serious politicians to put their cards on the table.

"Let me make it one hundred percent clear: I am passionate about the Union. I don't want to be the Prime Minister of England. I want to be Prime Minister of the United Kingdom - all of it, including Scotland.

"I absolutely believe we are stronger together, and weaker apart, and I will do anything and everything to keep our two countries as one. And that means addressing one-by-one the deeper questions that are fuelling separatism.

"Now, there are some would simply blame constitutional and economic arrangements between England and Scotland. 'Sort out West Lothian, renegotiate Barnett, and everything will be fine' they say. Sorry, I don't think that's an adequate explanation for the separatism we're seeing today.

"The West Lothian question and Barnett Formula have been around and been debated for decades - don't tell me it's only now that they've lit the separatist touchpaper. Of course, that doesn't mean we should ignore them. It's essential that we find answers to any unfairness in the Union - and to questions of accountability, justice and democracy. And unlike Labour - who sweep it under the carpet and hope it goes away - we will take those questions seriously. I am confident it will be possible to develop an arrangement whereby, when the House of Commons considers matters that affect only English constituencies, it is English MPs who have the decisive say.

"But let me say this: if it should ever come to a choice between constitutional perfection and the preservation of our nation, I know my choice. Better an imperfect union than a broken one. Better an imperfect union than a perfect divorce. My answer is simple: I choose the United Kingdom.

"The Union is in danger for other reasons too. There is, of course, the question of identity. The number of people who think themselves British - ahead of Scottish or English - is in decline. People no longer look to the Union flag for their sense of belonging - they look to the cross of St.George or the Saltire … if anything at all.

"It doesn't have to be like this. Being British is one of the most successful examples of inclusive civic nationalism in the world. We can be a shining example of what a multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multi-national society can and should be. And the challenge now is to renew that sense of belonging.

"It's vital we get this right. As so often, Gordon Brown gets it wrong. He approaches the question of national identity like an advertising exec. So we have citizen's juries - focus groups - to decide what it means to be British. We have a competition to come up with a motto for Britain. And we have the attempt to replace the National Anthem.

"It all goes to show: Gordon Brown's view of Britishness is mechanical, not organic, it's something to be redesigned, repackaged and relaunched by Whitehall, not something which lives in our hearts.

"He talks about British values - liberty, fair play, openness. He's right, but these are general, unspecific, almost universal. What the Prime Minister's response lacks is the emotional connection with the institutions that define Britishness. These institutions are the vital part of what it means to be British.

"Our monarchy.

Our armed forces.

Our parliament.

"I have to say to the Prime Minister, you don't stand up for Britishness when you weaken our Army by destroying the Scottish regiments. And you don't stand up for Britishness when you undermine our Houses of Parliament by passing more and more power to Brussels without giving people the referendum you promised. Britishness is a matter of instinct, not calculation, and the sooner we have a Government that is willing to stand up for, and take pride in, that instinct then the sooner we can fight the forces of separation.

"But let us also acknowledge this truth. We will serve neither our Party's interest - nor the Union's interests - if we think this is enough. The Conservative Party is, and always has been, a party of the Union. Its fortunes are wrapped in ours. When we succeed - the Union succeeds. In the 1950s, when the Conservative Party was at its strongest in Scotland, the Union was at its strongest.

"But when we fail - we weaken the Union. You know what I mean. I don't want to stand here and talk about the mistakes that were made in the 1980s - I've said it before and that's all in the past. But let's recognise - for the strength of our Union - that it's vital that we succeed again now. And I'm one hundred percent clear about how our Party has always succeeded - and will succeed.

"Yes, we're a party of the centre-right - of enterprise, of families, of self-reliance, common sense and practicality. But that's not enough. We really succeed when we're the party of everyone - rich, poor, young, old, urban, and rural. And most of all, we really succeed when we're the party of the future - the party of progress.

"Just think about it: when has our Party served Britain best? It's when we have relentlessly pursued progressive ideals. We're the party of Wilberforce, who brought down slavery. We're the party of Peel, who took on vested interests, repealed the corn laws and brought cheap food to everyone. We're the party of Disraeli, who spoke of One Nation, stood up for the poor and cleared the slums. We're the party of Churchill, Macmillan and Eden who took on fascism across the continent, and built and sold homes to create a property-owning democracy. And we're the party of Margaret Thatcher, who rejected decline, refused to live in the past and who freed up our economy and stood up for aspiration for all.

"And that spirit, that determination, that drive to be on the side of progress, on the side of freedom, on the side of giving everyone the opportunity to make the most of their lives is what should fire us in the 21st century too. Not only because it will make our Union stronger - by joining everyone into a shared purpose of fighting our social ills. Not only because it is the right thing to do - because a country where someone's life story is written before they are even born is a tragedy for us all. But because history - because social, technological and economic change - is on our side.

"We have both the will - and the means. In the twenty-first century - the century of opportunity, of the information revolution, where people have and want more power and control over their lives - progressive ends will best be met through conservative means.

"Let me explain what I mean. Take fighting poverty. No one can deny Labour's sincerity when it comes to erasing poverty from our land. And it would be churlish to say they haven't achieved anything. Giving low paid people more money through tax credits has helped lift many out of poverty. But for too many it's been about taking people from just below the poverty line to just above it - and when there's 600,000 more people in severe poverty now than there were in 1997, it's clear Labour's methods have run their course.

"What we've got to do now is get to grips with the persistent causes of poverty - not just the symptoms. We've got to tackle head on the family breakdown, the drug addiction and the debt which traps people into a life of deprivation. And how can we do that? Through Conservative means.

"Using our tax system to help make Britain the most family-friendly place on Earth, so young kids get the best and most loving start in life. Reforming our welfare system so people out of work really get the help they need to get off benefits - and yes, some pretty tough sanctions so that anyone swinging the lead can't live a life on welfare if they're able to work. Tackling the causes of poverty means sorting out our prisons so we focus not just on sentencing but also rehabilitation, giving people the chance to move away from a life of addiction, poverty and crime to one of hope and opportunity. And it means recognising that in all these areas; voluntary bodies, charities, social enterprises - they aren't the third sector - they are often the first and best sector….

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"What about the key progressive aim of protecting our environment? As Conservatives, this comes naturally to us. Passing on an inheritance to future generations is what we're about. So how are we going to do it? Of course, there's a role for government to set the framework, establish the targets for carbon reduction and lead by example - especially internationally. But leave this to Labour, and you'd think this was it. The truth is, real environmental transformation will only come when we harness the Conservative means to that progressive end. Setting a price for carbon in our economy. Creating a market so our best businesses and best minds come up with the products and services that will transform our environment and our economy. Creating incentives and profits for innovation and research - so we lead the green revolution like we did the industrial one a century and a half ago. When Conservatives look out from Aberdeen, we don't see depleted North Sea oil fields we see the ideal location for Carbon Capture and Storage, so we secure our energy supplies, protect our planet and lead the world in the new technology.

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"And what about the most fundamental progressive ideal of all? Equal opportunity and real social mobility. The idea that no one should be imprisoned by the circumstances of their birth. The idea that you can go from the very bottom to the very top. We all know that outside the home the real engine of social mobility are schools.

"And again, let's not dismiss Labour's record. Our schools needed investment and they gave it. But the approach that says - it's just money plus endless central direction has run its course. The Chief Inspector of Schools told us this much in plain terms, education standards have stalled.

"So what's the answer? It's time to open up the state monopoly to new providers, to new ideas and new pioneers - so that people with a passion for giving children the best opportunities can set up new schools. It's time to recognise that every child is different so they should be taught according to their ability, with setting in every school. It's time to make every Headteacher the captain of their ship, so they can really create disciplined and ordered learning environments.

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"This is why it's so exciting to be a Conservative right now. Not because we're doing well in the polls - though, of course, that's good. Not because we've got the strongest team in Parliament - though, of course, we have. But because we're coming up with the plans to help with the cost of living, to take up the fight against crime, and to really reform and improve our public services. Because we're leading the intellectual agenda. Because we're winning the battle of ideas.

"And it's absolutely vital that we lead that agenda and win this battle in every corner of the United Kingdom - including right here, in Scotland. At the moment, Scottish people have no choice.

"On the one side is the establishment Labour Party, offering big state solutions and endless interference into peoples' lives. And on the other side is the disestablishment SNP, making up for rhetoric on the dismemberment of the Union what they lack in intellectual coherence on any other subject.

"What Scotland is crying out for is a strong, sensible and moderate centre-right party. A Party that says yes, we're for the Union - for England and Scotland together as one. A Party that says yes, we back families, we'll take the fight to crime and we'll always remember that it's your money, not ours, that we're spending. But also a Party that stands up for progressive ideals, like tackling poverty, unlocking social mobility and protecting our planet. We can be that party. For the sake of the Union - we must be that party.

"So, to Alex Salmond, I say this. I know you've got a plan. I know you think a Conservative government at Westminster will ignore what Scotland wants and needs, and that you will use such claims to promote your separatist agenda.

"Well, think again. We've got the vision. We've got the ideas And we've got the ambition. And to the people of Scotland, I make this guarantee. Whatever the outcome in Scotland of the next General Election, a Conservative Government will govern the whole of the United Kingdom, including Scotland, with respect. Whoever is Scotland's First Minister, I would be a Prime Minister who acts on the voice of the Scottish people, and will work tirelessly for consent and consensus so we strengthen the Union.

"As we already are with the Calman Commission, we will work to see how the devolved settlement can be improved upon so it builds on what we have, takes it forward and continues to deliver for the people of Scotland.

"So after we've just won our first by-election victory in a quarter of a century. In a constituency which had been Labour for sixty years and in which no one gave us a hope. At a time when people said that the Conservatives couldn't do the North.

"Now is the time for us - the Conservative Party - to stand up and say there really are no no-go areas for us anymore. Right here, in Scotland, we can be the force that defends the Union. We can be the force that delivers on progressive ideals. We can be the force that makes Scotland - makes the United Kingdom - stronger, richer and fairer. We can be. We must be. And, together, renewed, rejuvenated, reinvigorated by our great success this year, we will be.

David Cameron's Speech to Scottish Conservative Party Conference, Friday May 23, 2008

"It's great to be here in Ayr. This is a town with a special place in the hearts of Conservatives. Ayr was ably represented for so many years by that great Scottish Tory, George Younger. It is also the home base of one of our Party's most redoubtable fighters, Phil Gallie. And it was the scene of a famous by-election victory in 2000 when John Scott won the Scottish Parliamentary seat from Labour.

"Down south it's taken us a bit longer to get the hang of by-elections. But I think you'll agree that in a seat that was labour for 30 years, in the north of England where they said we couldn't win, with a Labour campaign that threw every bit of dirt, class war and scare tactics at us, after the Prime Minister brought forward his entire legislative programme and a mini budget to spend 3 billion of your money to try and save his own skin.

"After all that, when we ended our by election drought - as we did last night in Crewe and Nantwich - we did it in some style.

"I've been keeping a close eye on what's been going on in Scotland. There's certainly a fight going on. And here's the tale of tape as I see it.

"In the blue corner, there's Annabel Goldie. The best performer in Holyrood, unwavering and unstinting, leading a strong and united team, dedicated to standing up for the best interests of Scotland and Scottish people.

"They got extra police, cuts in business rates and more drug rehabilitation. That's the Conservative Party - and Conservative principles - in action.

"And then, in the red corner, there's Wendy Alexander, not exactly steady on her feet …. quite liable to knock herself out.

"First she opposed a referendum on independence. Then she did a u-turn and said "bring it on." Then Gordon Brown u-turned on that u-turn. Then Wendy Alexander u-turned on Gordon Brown's u-turn on the first u-turn.

"You still with this? I'm not. You don't know whether to laugh - or cry. Knowing Wendy, she's doing both.

"So that's it. That's the bout. It's Solid Goldie versus Bendy Wendy. If I was the referee, I'd stop the fight right now.

"This would be funny if it wasn't so serious. Labour think they're being clever. What they've actually done is put the Union under greater threat.

"To play games by calling for a referendum right at the moment when people would take any opportunity to give the most unpopular Government in living memory a good kicking, isn't clever, isn't good politics, isn't defending the Union. It's absolutely reckless - and we should have no part of it.

"And that's what I want to talk about today. I want to talk about the future of the Union. And I want to talk about the future of the Conservative Party. And I want to show how these two things are inextricably linked.

"We - the Conservative Party - are a party of the Union and a part of the Union - and we've got to play a leading role in defending the Union - because, heaven knows, Labour won't. And I want to explain what playing our part means. It means continuing what we've started - changing our Party so we can change our country. It means setting our minds to the great challenges both England and Scotland face. Above all, it means recognising that the Conservative Party is at its best when it's talking about - and acting upon - our country's future prosperity and future progress.

"But to start, we've got to be completely frank. The simple truth is that the Union between England and Scotland is under attack as never before. Whether we like it or not, the ugly stain of separatism is seeping through the Union flag. And it's up to serious politicians to put their cards on the table.

"Let me make it one hundred percent clear: I am passionate about the Union. I don't want to be the Prime Minister of England. I want to be Prime Minister of the United Kingdom - all of it, including Scotland.

"I absolutely believe we are stronger together, and weaker apart, and I will do anything and everything to keep our two countries as one. And that means addressing one-by-one the deeper questions that are fuelling separatism.

"Now, there are some would simply blame constitutional and economic arrangements between England and Scotland. 'Sort out West Lothian, renegotiate Barnett, and everything will be fine' they say. Sorry, I don't think that's an adequate explanation for the separatism we're seeing today.

"The West Lothian question and Barnett Formula have been around and been debated for decades - don't tell me it's only now that they've lit the separatist touchpaper. Of course, that doesn't mean we should ignore them. It's essential that we find answers to any unfairness in the Union - and to questions of accountability, justice and democracy. And unlike Labour - who sweep it under the carpet and hope it goes away - we will take those questions seriously. I am confident it will be possible to develop an arrangement whereby, when the House of Commons considers matters that affect only English constituencies, it is English MPs who have the decisive say.

"But let me say this: if it should ever come to a choice between constitutional perfection and the preservation of our nation, I know my choice. Better an imperfect union than a broken one. Better an imperfect union than a perfect divorce. My answer is simple: I choose the United Kingdom.

"The Union is in danger for other reasons too. There is, of course, the question of identity. The number of people who think themselves British - ahead of Scottish or English - is in decline. People no longer look to the Union flag for their sense of belonging - they look to the cross of St.George or the Saltire … if anything at all.

"It doesn't have to be like this. Being British is one of the most successful examples of inclusive civic nationalism in the world. We can be a shining example of what a multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multi-national society can and should be. And the challenge now is to renew that sense of belonging.

"It's vital we get this right. As so often, Gordon Brown gets it wrong. He approaches the question of national identity like an advertising exec. So we have citizen's juries - focus groups - to decide what it means to be British. We have a competition to come up with a motto for Britain. And we have the attempt to replace the National Anthem.

"It all goes to show: Gordon Brown's view of Britishness is mechanical, not organic, it's something to be redesigned, repackaged and relaunched by Whitehall, not something which lives in our hearts.

"He talks about British values - liberty, fair play, openness. He's right, but these are general, unspecific, almost universal. What the Prime Minister's response lacks is the emotional connection with the institutions that define Britishness. These institutions are the vital part of what it means to be British.

"Our monarchy.

Our armed forces.

Our parliament.

"I have to say to the Prime Minister, you don't stand up for Britishness when you weaken our Army by destroying the Scottish regiments. And you don't stand up for Britishness when you undermine our Houses of Parliament by passing more and more power to Brussels without giving people the referendum you promised. Britishness is a matter of instinct, not calculation, and the sooner we have a Government that is willing to stand up for, and take pride in, that instinct then the sooner we can fight the forces of separation.

"But let us also acknowledge this truth. We will serve neither our Party's interest - nor the Union's interests - if we think this is enough. The Conservative Party is, and always has been, a party of the Union. Its fortunes are wrapped in ours. When we succeed - the Union succeeds. In the 1950s, when the Conservative Party was at its strongest in Scotland, the Union was at its strongest.

"But when we fail - we weaken the Union. You know what I mean. I don't want to stand here and talk about the mistakes that were made in the 1980s - I've said it before and that's all in the past. But let's recognise - for the strength of our Union - that it's vital that we succeed again now. And I'm one hundred percent clear about how our Party has always succeeded - and will succeed.

"Yes, we're a party of the centre-right - of enterprise, of families, of self-reliance, common sense and practicality. But that's not enough. We really succeed when we're the party of everyone - rich, poor, young, old, urban, and rural. And most of all, we really succeed when we're the party of the future - the party of progress.

"Just think about it: when has our Party served Britain best? It's when we have relentlessly pursued progressive ideals. We're the party of Wilberforce, who brought down slavery. We're the party of Peel, who took on vested interests, repealed the corn laws and brought cheap food to everyone. We're the party of Disraeli, who spoke of One Nation, stood up for the poor and cleared the slums. We're the party of Churchill, Macmillan and Eden who took on fascism across the continent, and built and sold homes to create a property-owning democracy. And we're the party of Margaret Thatcher, who rejected decline, refused to live in the past and who freed up our economy and stood up for aspiration for all.

"And that spirit, that determination, that drive to be on the side of progress, on the side of freedom, on the side of giving everyone the opportunity to make the most of their lives is what should fire us in the 21st century too. Not only because it will make our Union stronger - by joining everyone into a shared purpose of fighting our social ills. Not only because it is the right thing to do - because a country where someone's life story is written before they are even born is a tragedy for us all. But because history - because social, technological and economic change - is on our side.

"We have both the will - and the means. In the twenty-first century - the century of opportunity, of the information revolution, where people have and want more power and control over their lives - progressive ends will best be met through conservative means.

"Let me explain what I mean. Take fighting poverty. No one can deny Labour's sincerity when it comes to erasing poverty from our land. And it would be churlish to say they haven't achieved anything. Giving low paid people more money through tax credits has helped lift many out of poverty. But for too many it's been about taking people from just below the poverty line to just above it - and when there's 600,000 more people in severe poverty now than there were in 1997, it's clear Labour's methods have run their course.

"What we've got to do now is get to grips with the persistent causes of poverty - not just the symptoms. We've got to tackle head on the family breakdown, the drug addiction and the debt which traps people into a life of deprivation. And how can we do that? Through Conservative means.

"Using our tax system to help make Britain the most family-friendly place on Earth, so young kids get the best and most loving start in life. Reforming our welfare system so people out of work really get the help they need to get off benefits - and yes, some pretty tough sanctions so that anyone swinging the lead can't live a life on welfare if they're able to work. Tackling the causes of poverty means sorting out our prisons so we focus not just on sentencing but also rehabilitation, giving people the chance to move away from a life of addiction, poverty and crime to one of hope and opportunity. And it means recognising that in all these areas; voluntary bodies, charities, social enterprises - they aren't the third sector - they are often the first and best sector….

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"What about the key progressive aim of protecting our environment? As Conservatives, this comes naturally to us. Passing on an inheritance to future generations is what we're about. So how are we going to do it? Of course, there's a role for government to set the framework, establish the targets for carbon reduction and lead by example - especially internationally. But leave this to Labour, and you'd think this was it. The truth is, real environmental transformation will only come when we harness the Conservative means to that progressive end. Setting a price for carbon in our economy. Creating a market so our best businesses and best minds come up with the products and services that will transform our environment and our economy. Creating incentives and profits for innovation and research - so we lead the green revolution like we did the industrial one a century and a half ago. When Conservatives look out from Aberdeen, we don't see depleted North Sea oil fields we see the ideal location for Carbon Capture and Storage, so we secure our energy supplies, protect our planet and lead the world in the new technology.

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"And what about the most fundamental progressive ideal of all? Equal opportunity and real social mobility. The idea that no one should be imprisoned by the circumstances of their birth. The idea that you can go from the very bottom to the very top. We all know that outside the home the real engine of social mobility are schools.

"And again, let's not dismiss Labour's record. Our schools needed investment and they gave it. But the approach that says - it's just money plus endless central direction has run its course. The Chief Inspector of Schools told us this much in plain terms, education standards have stalled.

"So what's the answer? It's time to open up the state monopoly to new providers, to new ideas and new pioneers - so that people with a passion for giving children the best opportunities can set up new schools. It's time to recognise that every child is different so they should be taught according to their ability, with setting in every school. It's time to make every Headteacher the captain of their ship, so they can really create disciplined and ordered learning environments.

"See what I mean? Progressive ends. Conservative means.

"This is why it's so exciting to be a Conservative right now. Not because we're doing well in the polls - though, of course, that's good. Not because we've got the strongest team in Parliament - though, of course, we have. But because we're coming up with the plans to help with the cost of living, to take up the fight against crime, and to really reform and improve our public services. Because we're leading the intellectual agenda. Because we're winning the battle of ideas.

"And it's absolutely vital that we lead that agenda and win this battle in every corner of the United Kingdom - including right here, in Scotland. At the moment, Scottish people have no choice.

"On the one side is the establishment Labour Party, offering big state solutions and endless interference into peoples' lives. And on the other side is the disestablishment SNP, making up for rhetoric on the dismemberment of the Union what they lack in intellectual coherence on any other subject.

"What Scotland is crying out for is a strong, sensible and moderate centre-right party. A Party that says yes, we're for the Union - for England and Scotland together as one. A Party that says yes, we back families, we'll take the fight to crime and we'll always remember that it's your money, not ours, that we're spending. But also a Party that stands up for progressive ideals, like tackling poverty, unlocking social mobility and protecting our planet. We can be that party. For the sake of the Union - we must be that party.

"So, to Alex Salmond, I say this. I know you've got a plan. I know you think a Conservative government at Westminster will ignore what Scotland wants and needs, and that you will use such claims to promote your separatist agenda.

"Well, think again. We've got the vision. We've got the ideas And we've got the ambition. And to the people of Scotland, I make this guarantee. Whatever the outcome in Scotland of the next General Election, a Conservative Government will govern the whole of the United Kingdom, including Scotland, with respect. Whoever is Scotland's First Minister, I would be a Prime Minister who acts on the voice of the Scottish people, and will work tirelessly for consent and consensus so we strengthen the Union.

"As we already are with the Calman Commission, we will work to see how the devolved settlement can be improved upon so it builds on what we have, takes it forward and continues to deliver for the people of Scotland.

"So after we've just won our first by-election victory in a quarter of a century. In a constituency which had been Labour for sixty years and in which no one gave us a hope. At a time when people said that the Conservatives couldn't do the North.

"Now is the time for us - the Conservative Party - to stand up and say there really are no no-go areas for us anymore. Right here, in Scotland, we can be the force that defends the Union. We can be the force that delivers on progressive ideals. We can be the force that makes Scotland - makes the United Kingdom - stronger, richer and fairer. We can be. We must be. And, together, renewed, rejuvenated, reinvigorated by our great success this year, we will be.

To a Conservative Parliamentary Candidate in England

Dear ………..

I have downloaded and read your manifesto which invites me to ‘join the government of Britain’. The ‘invitation’ refers to Britain as ‘a country’ containing ‘a nation’. However Britain is composed of three countries, each with its own nation. Moreover, despite claiming to be a party of the Union your party is split into Welsh and Scottish (but not English) divisions and issues additional manifestos for Scotland and Wales, which I have also downloaded. All three manifestos refer to ‘our country’ or ‘our nation’. How are we to understand the difference between these words in your manifesto for ‘Britain’ and those for Scotland and Wales? What is not ‘British’ about Scotland and Wales? Perhaps it is that they are not governed wholly by an imperial British Government as we are in England?

Clearly then your manifesto for ‘Britain’ addresses England but no-one in England would know that from the manifesto. However, under ‘Mend our Broken society’, all three of you manifestos state that your party wants to make Britain a fairer place where opportunity is more equal. So what are we to understand by the use of the word Britain here in your party’s manifesto for England? Clearly then the use of the word ‘Britain’ is interchangeably used for Britain and England. This is not transparency! Nor is your party offering equal opportunity to people in England.

Unlike your party’s manifesto for England, your party’s manifestos for Scotland and Wales continually refer to these countries and address both reserved and devolved matters! Your party cannot introduce its policies on reserved matters into Scotland and Wales by way of a general election, so what relevance do these policies have? However the differential policies outlined for devolved matters show that the conservative Party does not have a consistent policy for the ‘Union’.

Under ‘Macroeconomic Stability’ your party’s manifestos refer to increasing spending on health in ‘Britain’ so that a proportion of those funds are available for Scotland and Wales. Your party’s manifestos go on to say that your party will cute wasteful departmental spending. What savings can a British government make when it is only responsible for spending in England except where spending is in a reserved department. What proportion of theses departmental savings are assigned to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland? In addition an undertaking is made to reduce the number of MPs by 10%. However the manifestos do not say whether these savings will apply equally to England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.

Further your party’s Scottish division manifesto states that there will be an end to free prescriptions (they are in fact £3.00 in Scotland) and free school meals. However it does not state that the Scots will be required to pay the same levy as we in England. Nor does your party’s Welsh division manifesto state that your policy for Wales is to remove the existing free prescription benefit not enjoyed by us here.

Under ‘Get Britain Working Again’ your party claims in its manifesto for Scotland that your MSPs have successfully demanded cuts in rates for 150,000 small and medium sized businesses over the last few years. Have your Westminster MPs endeavoured to do the same for the equivalent number of similarly sized English businesses?

Your party’s Scottish division manifesto expresses concern about to the lack of funding for Scottish universities but does not, however, address the discrimination within the so-called union regarding tuition fees.

Under ‘Create a Modern Transport Network’ only your ‘British’ manifesto it states that your party will give councils more powers to get traffic flowing more smoothly. Is this road pricing by another name and why is this policy not reflected in your manifestos for Scotland and Wales? In your party’s Scottish division manifesto it states that you have plans to expand the number of rural petrol (sic) stations eligible for rate relief. Is this a policy that your party has for England in a United Kingdom? Similarly in your party’s Scottish division manifesto it states that the Scottish Government could create a new Business Dividend Fund giving local authorities funds for every new business. Is this a policy that your party has for England, it does not appear to be in the ‘British’ manifesto. It also states that Scottish Civic leaders will have as much opportunity to influence reserved policy as their counterparts in the rest of the UK. Who would be the counterparts specifically dedicated to representing England?

Under ‘Public services Reform’ it states that you will publish the salaries of senior civil servants in central government but your party does not propose that this should be done for the additional bureaucrats required by the Scottish Government. Your party’s Scottish division manifesto states that your party will publish a standard set of cost measures that capture the key drivers of Whitehall spending. Since most of that spending is on English Departments why do you not have the same policy for those departments at Holyrood especially as the manifesto concerns itself with transparency in these matters?

Under ‘Build a Greener Economy’ your party’s Scottish division manifesto states that your party will encourage local councils to introduce green discounts for council tax and business rate. As a ‘party of the union’ we would expect the same provisions to be made for England.

Under ‘Build the Big society’ Your party’s ‘British’ manifesto states that your party intends to introduce National Citizen Service for 16 year olds. Clearly this can only be introduced in England and possibly Wales but not Scotland despite the pious hopes in your party’s Scottish division manifesto. Is this service to be compulsory or be a service a child cannot refuse without an effect on his or her future? In your party’s Welsh Division manifesto it states that your party will empower communities to take over Post Offices under threat. Does this policy extend to England? It does not say so in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto.

Under ‘Reform tax and benefits’, in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto, it states that your party intends to freeze council tax to help ‘Britain’s’ families. However your party does not advocate this for Wales, which is part of Britain. Moreover, to do this your party intends to make cut backs in government (which government?) advertising and consultants. However, while advocating a continuance of this policy, which has already benefited people in Scotland for three years, your party does not make any recommendation regarding cut backs in Scotland to pay for it.

Under ‘ Give Families more Control over their Lives’ your party’s Scottish division manifesto refers to 12.5 hours of free child care in the week. There is no reference to this benefit in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto. Surely there should be equal benefits in a fair union as set out in the 1707 Act of Union?

Under ‘Back the NHS’ in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto it makes no reference to increased spending on the English Health Service but rather refers to cutting the cost of administration and to transfer resources to support doctors and nurses on the frontline. However in your party’s Scottish and Welsh divisions manifestos it states that Westminster’s increased spending on the ‘N’(English)HS will produce consequential increases for Scotland and Wales. How are these statements to be reconciled?

In addition in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto it states that one million more people will have access to an NHS dentist. Is this England only or all of Britain? Moreover this manifesto does not state that all the people of England will have access to free dental checks and eye tests as they do in Scotland. Clearly your party does not intend for there to be equality of benefit throughout the union it claims to support. In addition, while your party’s Scottish division manifesto opposes phasing out of prescription charges in Scotland, already only £3.00, it appears to relate only to higher rate taxpayers. A similar undertaking is made in your party’s welsh division manifesto. No mention is made in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto of the inequality of all people in England continuing to pay £7.20 for all their prescriptions even those who have chronic ill health such as asthma sufferers. Yet the conservatives are passionate about the union!

Under ‘Take control of your care’ in your party’s Scottish division manifesto your party claims the accolade for extending free personal care for the elderly in their own homes in Scotland to the preparation of food. Not only does your party not advocate the same provision for the elderly in their own homes in England but also intend to make them insure themselves against the cost of residential care and to cover the costs of receiving care in their own homes. And while the insurance policy for the cost of residential care is also stated in your party’s Scottish division manifesto, where it cannot be implemented, no mention is made of it in your party’s Welsh division manifesto!

Under ‘Better teachers and tougher discipline’ in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto your party states that it will raise the entry requirement for state-funded teacher training. However no mention is made of raising this barrier in your party’s Scottish and Welsh divisions’ manifestos. While EU and Scottish students at Scottish Universities will continue to benefit from free tuition your party’s ‘British’ manifesto only offers relief from student debt for top maths and science graduates who go on to become teachers

Under ‘A rigorous curriculum and exam system’ your party’s ‘British’ manifesto undertakes to create 20,000 additional young apprenticeships. Are these places to be shared out throughout Britain, as the title of your party’s manifesto implies and if so how are they to be apportioned? In addition in this manifesto your party undertakes to publish performance data held by the DCMS. Is that the English Department or the British one? Will this undertaking be matched in Scotland and Wales? In your party’s Scottish division manifesto it states that sports trust funds will be set up to allow all pupils to take part in sports in their school or community and also to experience a full week of residential outdoor education at least once between the ages of 11 and 15. Is this benefit to be extended to England’s children in the spirit of equality within the union?

Under ‘reforming the criminal justice system’ in your party’s Scottish division manifesto your party advocates the introduction of lie detector tests for sex offenders and greater use of GPS for tracking those on bail who might flee the country. Why are these approaches not being put forward in England in the interests of public safety?

Under ‘a new agenda for a new politics’ in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto it states that your party will cut the size of Parliament, the scope of Whitehall and the cost of politics. Clearly the British Parliament can be significantly reduced in size by reducing it’s workload rather than have fewer politicians with the same workload. What is abundantly clear is that for a balanced union the British parliament should concern itself only with reserved matters and leave devolved matters to devolved administrations.

In your party’s ‘British’ and Welsh manifestos your party undertakes to make politics more local. Politics is already ‘more local’ in Wales with their own national Assembly. That affirmation of nationhood is to be omitted in your plans for England and despite your party’s claim the ‘top down’ model most proximately affects England, which is and will continue to be ruled by an imperial British Government. Your party’s ‘British’ manifesto states that power will be handed from Whitehall to ‘communities’. What natural communities is your party referring to? Clearly in your party’s Scottish division manifesto it means Holyrood, the seat of the national Scottish Parliament, and from there to the people of Scotland.

Under ‘Make politics more accountable’ your party’s ‘British’ manifesto refers to the revelations about MPs that have detached voters from the political process. The majority of these MPs were returned from English constituencies and the majority of their influence was on English domestic affairs. Voters in Scotland and, to a lesser extent Wales, are not as concerned since the domestic matters most close to them are governed by their own national politicians. Your party’s ‘British’ manifesto claims that your party wants power to be returned to the people of Britain. It already has been in Scotland and Wales and we in England are still waiting for similar consideration.

In addition your party’s three manifestos call for every vote to have equal value. However the value of a vote in England is permanently halved since we have no opportunity to vote for representatives in a devolved national parliament. Moreover your party is promoting the concept of an elected second chamber. This will perpetuate the ‘upper West Lothian question whereby laws for England are revised and debated by a second chamber composed of Lords from other countries where there is no reciprocal arrangement.

Under ‘Make politics more transparent’ your party’s ‘British’ manifesto is a testament to the lack of transparency with regard to the effects of devolution on England that your party and the other ‘unionist’ parties perpetuate. This was starkly illustrated in the TV debates where the three leaders made a point of never referring to England or what matters were relevant to England only. In addition your party’s three manifestos call for accountability but nowhere does your party address the evil of unaccountable MPs voting on and making policy for England.

Under ‘Make politics more local’ your party’s ‘British’ manifesto calls for elected mayors in England’s largest cities. ‘Localism’ is no substitute for national devolution and is not set out as an alternative for national devolution in your party’s Scottish and Welsh divisions manifestos.

Under ‘Strengthen the union’ in your party’s ‘British’ manifesto it states that your party will rebalance the unfairness in the voting system. In fact your party’s adoption of the Clarke proposals still allows all members of the House of Commons to vote on English only matters and they retain the power to defeat English bills even though they have been approved at committee stage by MPs from English constituencies. While your party’s manifestos state that your party is ‘passionate about the union’ they do nothing to rebalance the union. Moreover your party’s Welsh division manifesto tells us that your party intends to further unbalance the union by allowing the people of Wales to determine, by way of a referendum, whether they want further legislative powers for their national assembly. Further your party’s Scottish division manifesto tells us that your party would make British Treasury Ministers available to the Scottish Parliament Finance Committee pre and post British budgets. Who, in this cosy affair, will represent English interests? Your party’s ‘British’ manifesto tells us that your party will end ‘double jobbing’. Will that not mean more politicians, a false objection always tossed out when people in England call for equal treatment. A false objection since it is based on the fallacy that 646 MPs are needed to deal only with reserved matters. Nowhere in any of your party’s three manifestos does your party mention the inequity of the Barnett formula which discriminates against the people of England. How will that running sore strengthen the union?

Under ‘Conserve and enhance the natural environment’ your party’s Scottish division manifesto tells us that your party wants the label ‘Scottish’ to be protected as well as ‘British’. Does your party want the label’ English’ to be supported and protected?

Under ‘Support our brave armed forces’ your party’s Welsh division manifesto promises to review the rules governing the award of medals. Does this not apply also to England?

Your party’s Scottish division manifesto shows subtle discrimination by praising Scottish achievements on page 17, whereas your party’s ‘British’ and Welsh manifestos make no such approbation based on national origin. Moreover unlike your party’s Welsh and ‘British’ division manifestos, your party’s Scottish division manifesto exhibits further discrimination by using illustrations that are entirely of Scotland, not the rest of Britain, and Scots, not other Britons, and does not include the ethnic minority Briton in ‘A New Agenda for a New Politics’

The policies that your party advocates in devolved matters not only cannot be delivered by any of the MPs we select at a general election but also cannot be delivered in the devolved administrations unless the Executive is dominated by the additional Conservative politicians that sit there.

Yours sincerely,