England is a historic nation that doesn’t have a parliament, it doesn’t have civic institutions of its own and it doesn’t have voice. The result is that, given the pressures that are now happening with the rise of Scotland, the EU etc, Englishness is coming out in the crab-like sideways expression of Farage. This is a predominantly English movement. Brexit was an English vote, driven by an English sentiment that cannot articulate itself as English. My view is that the left has played a historically negative role – with notable exceptions, like Billy Bragg – by saying that supporting Englishness is to be small, narrow-minded, and ethnic. The left should be calling for an English parliament and English institutions. That’s the only way we’ll get a progressive Englishness.
English nationalism in particular has become a more complex but vital issue to engage with, post-referendum. There is the Englishness of George Orwell, of values such as fair play, tolerance and respect. But that’s not inspiring the chauvinism that dominates the English nationalist scene at present.
London may be very big, and starting to evolve a distinct identity, but it is a very long way from being a Home Nation.It’s status as a global city does lend many of its residents a different perspective, and many will have more sympathy with their peers in cities abroad than with the rest of the UK.That’s regrettable, and just another sign of how badly we have allowed British identity and attachments to weaken over the last few decades.
Ben Wellings referred to England as the “Scotland of Europe”. Any further European integration has been rejected on political grounds by England. Last Thursday’s result revealed that the British electorate sees the possibility of losing more sovereignty, and therefore national identity, as a major risk. This, as Wellings points out, is not unlike the Scottish nationalist reservations about sharing governance with Westminster. Both are loud and proud to advocate disintegration, and confident that secession is the most effective tool in protecting autonomy and sovereignty.
The leader of Plaid Cymru has called for the people of Wales to start discussing the possibility of the country becoming independent.Leanne Wood said Brexit was an opportunity to break free from the UK – and though Wales voted overwhelmingly to leave the EU she argued that its citizens would think again if the country became independent.
Detoxifying the UK’s exit from the EU: a multi-national compromise is possible : Democratic Audit UK
Public discussions about how the UK is to exit from the European Union have been too simplified, and have failed to come up with any solution that recognizes that only England and Wales in fact voted to leave. Brendan O’Leary outlines a way forward where those nations wanting to remain in the EU might be able to do so.
As the UK awoke to news it was heading towards Brexit it quickly became clear that it was England doing the driving. So how does it feel to be English on a day your nation has altered the face of Britain?
Senior figures in the Scottish Labour party are investigating proposals for Scotland and Northern Ireland to have separate federated membership of the EU after last week’s Brexit vote.
One way to understand the English vote is to compare it to other areas, especially with regard to immigration. If you read Frank Fukuyama, he correctly portrays Japan and Denmark, as, along with England, being the two other truly developed, mature nation states in earlier times, well before the Industrial Revolution. And what do we see about these countries? Relative to their other demographics, they are especially opposed to very high levels of immigration. England, in a sense, was the region "out on a limb," when it comes to taking in foreigners, and now it has decided to pull back and be more like Denmark and Japan.
What does Brexit mean for those campaigning for Scottish independence? | British Politics and Policy at LSE
The question of Scottish independence has taken centre stage in the public debate since the Brexit vote. England and Wales have voted to leave the EU, but Scotland and Northern Ireland have voted to remain. Together with this differing outcome, the absence of a post-referendum plan – and of any sign of leadership – on the part of the UK government create a favourable climate for the SNP. But what does it all mean for those campaigning for Scottish independence? Craig McAngus explains.
The Department's largest and longest-established research centre the Constitution Unit is recruiting a full-time researcher. The postholder will work on a new project led by Professor Meg Russell on 'Options for an English Parliament'. This draws together two strands of the Unit's previous work: on devolution, and on parliamentary institutions. The project is funded by the Nuffield Foundation for one year, and seeks to explore the feasibility of an English Parliament and options for its detailed design. This policy proposal has been on the political agenda for many years, and there is growing interest in it, but there has been little detailed consideration of how it might work. This project seeks to fill the gap, and the main output will be a report setting out the options, to be published at the end of the project. There may also be interim outputs and events.
Two weeks before the Brexit vote one Labour MP had said to me that should a more mainstream version of Ukip – England’s answer to the SNP, a populist hybrid with a charismatic leader – spring up and appeal to its core vote, Labour would be finished.
Now there has been a vote for Brexit, there are calls in other countries for people to have their say on the European Union. But, though they have inherited the pithy naming formulation – from “Frexit” and “Nexit” through to “Oexit” – the proposed referendums vary depending on what they want, what they’re motivated by, and how likely they are to happen.
Are Britain’s EU opponents xenophobic nationalists? - The Prince Arthur Herald | The Prince Arthur Herald
Those who value national identity and sovereignty are increasingly being castigated as “racists,” “fascists, “ultra-nationalists,” and “xenophobes,” not just in Britain but everywhere in the West. For globalists, state independence is now viewed as an impediment to a more “progressive” world.
Seeking answers to the so-called ‘English Question’ from the realm of constitutional policy and national politics, in August 2016 Political Studies Review will be publishing a series of papers from a symposium exploring the ‘Dilemmas of Political Englishness’. The papers interrogate the tensions at the heart of England’s collective self-identification and its subsequent relationships with the United Kingdom and the wider world.
For most Britons, the term “Little Englander” is recalled primarily in relation to those who opposed colonial interventions, such as Britain’s wars with Afrikaners in what is now South Africa over 100 years ago. It was never a flattering expression.
On the coalition of voters leaning towards Leave: who they are, and what next.
The Brexit debate is usually described as a fight between Europhiles who want the United Kingdom to remain in the European Union and Euroskeptics who want the UK to get out.But Andrew Lilico, a British economist at the consulting firm Europe Economics, argues that the debate is more complicated than that. He views the creation and expansion of the EU over the past half-century as a great accomplishment with benefits for both Britain and continental Europe. But he now believes it would now be better — for both Britain and the rest of the EU — for Britain to leave.
Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty gives the EU the upper hand
The biggest threat of Brexit is not to the UK but to the rest of Europe | Simon Jenkins | Opinion | The Guardian
Although Britain has given itself an almighty shock, the visionary outcome of this leave vote ought to start a grand debate across the continent
Feed aggregation powered by Syndicate Press.
Processed request in 0.00494 seconds.